…. 3 A few, indeed, in the centre, whom the praetorian cohort had scattered, lay a little apart from the rest, but the wounds even of these were in front. 8 He was spurred on, also, by the corruption of the public morals, which were being ruined by two great evils of an opposite character, extravagance and avarice. In essence, the fact that his piece is so historically crucial fulfils Sallust’s objective in enshrining his name in the historical record, and doing so without the attachment of an ‘immoral’ connotation to his name. He himself with his freedmen and the camp-servants took his place beside the eagle, which, it was said, had been in the army of Gaius Marius during the war with the Cimbri. Neither preparations nor plans can be kept secret; therefore the more need of haste. That being said, the basic nature of Catiline’s own rise to prominence within the Senate, previously characterised as exploiting the plight of the poor within economic decline, reflects the fundamental problems historians face in establishing empirical truth about the existence and nature of Catiline’s conspiracy. Indeed, there is a variety of factors, such as the political climate, which have been attributed to Sallust’s portrayal of Cicero. 39 But in that same age, following the usage of Greece, they applied the scourge to citizens and inflicted the supreme penalty upon those found guilty. 33 By all means spare Lentulus because of his rank, if he ever spared his own chastity, his good name, or anyone, god or man. Professional historiography and Walter Allen Junior’s Thesis. During the regime of Gaius Marius, Lucius Cornelius Cinna and Papirius Carbo, Catiline played no major role, but he remained politically secure, married to the niece of Gaius Marius. There was no army in Italy; Gnaeus Pompeius was waging war in distant parts of the world;Catiline himself had high hopes as a candidate for the consulship; the senate was anything but alert; all was peaceful and quiet; this was his golden opportunity. 4 But when they could not persuade the consul to such an outrageous step, they took the matter into their own hands, and by circulating falsehoods which they pretended to have heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges, stirred up such hostility to Caesar that some Roman knights, who were stationed as an armed guard about the temple of Concord, carried away either by the greatness of the danger or by their own excitability, drew their swords upon Caesar as he was leaving the senate, in order to make their loyalty to their country more conspicuous. 3 During these preparations and arrangements Cethegus constantly complained of the inaction of his associates, insisting that by indecision and delay they were wasting great opportunities; that such a crisis called for action, not deliberation, and that if a few would aid him he would himself make an attack upon the senate-house, even though the rest were faint-hearted. However, these factors mean that Sallust’s view is sculpted from a basic idea, and is moulded around these issues, which contributes to the final model in which he is particularly sympathetic to Cicero, and against the rebellious and evil Catiline. Although Sallust is not the more traditional variant, namely he is not a politician from a new family line, his academic work – which is notably the earliest remaining complete work by any Roman Historian – could require some validation. Catiline chose to engage the smaller army of Gaius Antonius near Pistoia, hoping that he could defeat Antonius in the ensuing battle and dishearten the other Republican armies. We would like to show you a description here but the site won’t allow us. To what extent was Sallust’s interpretation of the events of the Catiline Conspiracy informed by Cicero? 4 When Umbrenus had said this, the Allobroges were filled with the greatest hope and begged him to take pity on them. 6 Thither he summoned the senate, and when it had assembled in the full numbers he led in Volturcius and the envoys. 53 As soon as Cato had taken his seat, all the ex-consuls, as well as a great part of the other senators, praised his proposal and lauded his courage to  p111 the skies, while they taxed one another with timorousness. Catiline was also accused of murdering his first wife and son so that he could marry the wealthy and beautiful Aurelia Orestilla, daughter of the consul of 71 BC, Gnaeus Aufidius Orestes. They will eventually conduct civil wars to obtain total, sole power. 3 There were present from the senatorial order Publius Lentulus Sura, Publius Autronius, Lucius Cassius Longinus, Gaius Cethegus, Publius and Servius Sulla, sons of Servius, Lucius Vargunteius, Quintus Annius, Marcus Porcius Laeca, Lucius Bestia, Quintus Curius; 4 also of the equestrian order, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Lucius Statilius, Publius Gabinius Capito, Gaius Cornelius; besides these there were many men from the colonies and free towns who were of noble rank at home. 2 Thereupon Catiline promised abolition of debts, the proscription of the rich, offices, priesthoods, plunder, and all the other spoils that war and the license of victors can offer. 2 Since, namely, the plain was shut in on the left by mountains and on the right by rough, rocky ground, he posted eight cohorts in front and held the rest in reserve in closer order. Your eminent loyalty, known by experience and grateful to me in my extreme peril, lends confidence to my plea. 8 Many, too, who had gone from the camp to visit the field or to pillage, on turning over the body of the rebels found now a friend, now a guest or kinsman; some also recognized their personal enemies. [24], Catiline was found, far in advance of his men, among the dead bodies of the enemy; a most glorious death, had he thus fallen for his country.– Florus, Epitome de Tito Livio (IV, 1), After Catiline's death, many of the poor still regarded him with respect and did not view him as the traitor and villain that Cicero claimed he was. The eldest sons of several families, the greater number of whom belonged to the nobility, were to slay their fathers. 7 Besides this, the young men who had maintained a wretched existence by manual labour in the country, tempted by public and private doles had come to prefer idleness in the city to their hateful toil; these, like all the others, battened on the public ills. None of this is to say that Sallust’s history is ultimately wrong. In these instances, Cicero’s view is also visible, though not overt. Given that Sallust’s history is controversial, and given that he is often recognised as a Traditional historian, there must be a deeper assessment as to why his recollection of events is more than just favourable to Cicero’s account, but also so damning of Catiline. 3 All these considerations they weighed, but in the end the fortune of the republic turned the scale. 5 Finally, in order to conceal his designs or to clear himself, as though he had merely been the object of some private slander, he came into the senate. [27] Up until the modern era Catiline was equated, as Sallust described, to everything depraved and contrary to both the laws of the gods and men. 3 His body could endure hunger, cold and want of sleep to an incredible degree; 4 his mind was reckless, cunning, treacherous, capable of any form of pretence or concealment. Undeniably, Rome was faced with financial difficulty, as is reflected in import-export trends. 5  When the day of the elections came and neither Catiline’s suit nor the plots which he had made against the consuls in the Campus Martius were successful, he resolved to take the field and dare the uttermost, since his covert attempts had resulted in disappointment and disgrace. Historians consider it unlikely that Catiline would have been involved in the First Catilinarian Conspiracy or, indeed, that the conspiracy existed at all. Noticeably, he served as praetor designatus, a role in which he was forced to negotiate with soldiers leading a rebellion. This meant political divisions, to which Cicero would be appealing. [29] Thus, some consider Catiline to be a reformer such as the Gracchi who met similar resistance from the government, but many consider him more as a man who used the plight of the poor to suit his personal interests and a politician of the time no more corrupt than any other. In fact, there are but a few circumstances in which Sallust pioneers his own theory regarding Catiline’s character, and even in these occurrences, they barely contradict a Cicerone interpretation. 24  Accordingly, when the elections had been held Marcus Tullius and Gaius Antonius were proclaimed consuls, and this at first filled the conspirators with consternation. He added that he had been sent by Marcus Crassus to advise Catiline not to be alarmed by the arrest of Lentulus, Cethegus, and the other conspirators, but to make the greater haste to come to the city, in order that he might thereby revive the spirits of the rest, and that they might the more easily be saved from their danger.

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