six days of war: june 1967 and the making of the modern middle east pdf
PDF | On Jul 1, 2004, William B. Quandt published Michael B. Oren , Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of the Modern Middle East . Enabling JavaScript in your browser will allow you to experience all the features of our site. The events of September 11, 2001, spurred a radical departure from long-standing American policies toward the Middle East.Having become the victim of large-scale Arab terror, the administration voiced newfound empathy for Israel and its struggle against suicide bombers and gunmen,and went so far as to identify Israel’s enemies—Hamas and Islamic Jihad—as America’s. Although they gained a modicum of political autonomy in the aftermath of the 1993 Oslo accords, the Palestinians who came under Israeli rule in 1967 are still stateless. Your recently viewed items and featured recommendations, Select the department you want to search in. Instead, Oren was forced to use memoirs whose reliability is questionable, and self-serving interviews with Egyptian, Jordanian and Syrian politicians and generals who more often than not prefer to exonerate themselves and to place the blame on others. By 1983, this relationship had been transformed into an explicit strategic alliance, with Israel becoming the largest recipient of U.S. economic and military aid. Israel has also annexed East Jerusalem, and remains in effective control of parts of the Gaza Strip and more substantial portions of the West Bank. With accounts of bloody clashes between Israelis and Palestinians dominating the daily headlines, the publication of yet another recounting of the war that reshaped the modern Middle East could not be more timely. As in the processes leading up to previous Arab-Israeli confrontations, mounting violence between Palestinians and Israelis threatens to set the entire region ablaze.In many respects, the current fighting resembles the civil war in Palestine that broke out in November 1947, following the UN’s decision to partition the country into independent Jewish and Arab states. Specifically, the UnitedStates called for the creation of a Palestinian state in virtually all of the WestBank and the entire Gaza Strip—Israeli settlements would either be removed or concentrated in blocks—with its capital in East Jerusalem. Less than twenty-four hours later, Dayan ordered the capture of East Jerusalem. Lastly, Oren has almost nothing to say about the impact of the 1967 war on the Palestinians and the Palestinian national movement. The outcome, almost by chance, could have been different, hour by hour, up to the last minute. Firing on the rioters, Israeli forces provided the pretext for launching an intifada, or popular uprising, named after the Haram’s al-Aqsa mosque. Nothing. However, just four days, While he focuses on the immediate results of the, most technologically sophisticated armaments. Oren spotlights all the participants—Arab, Israeli, Soviet, and American—telling the story of how the war broke out and of the shocking ways it unfolded. Dayan, who emerges in Oren’s account as the most influential actor after Eshkol, had initially opposed the IDF takeover of the Old City, allegedly due to fears of provoking an international backlash. The region careered toward yet another Arab-Israeli war.The fighting in 2000–2002 recalled not only the events of 1947–48 but,even more poignantly, those of 1967. But the Palestinians’ defeat generated sympathy throughout the Arab world and intensified the pressure on Arab leaders to intervene against the Jews. Deep splits that transcended traditional partisan and ideological lines were evident inside the Israeli cabinet from the very beginning of the crisis. Undoubtedly the most glaring and inexcusable contradiction occurs in Oren’s discussion of Amr’s plan, dubbed Operation Dawn, to attack Israel with airstrikes intended to detach Eilat and the rest of the Negev from Israel. The strategic feints and preemptive necessities that allowed the Israelis to win are explained and clarified. [Oren] has woven a seamless narrative out of a staggering variety of diplomatic and military strands.”. No less than in 1948 and 1967, Arabs and Israelis are today once again battling over the final disposition of the area known in Arabic as Filastin and in Hebrew as Eretz Yisrael—the Land of Israel. The Zionist leadership accepted the notion of territorial compromise, but the Arabs of Palestine saw no reason to forfeit what they considered their exclusive national rights, and determined to block the partition with attacks against Jewish settlements, road systems, and neighborhoods. Soon Hezbollah guerrillas in Lebanon were launching rockets into northern Israel; the Syrian army went on high alert, as did units inJordan, Egypt, and Iraq. There was a problem loading your book clubs. This misplaced aura, Third, coming in the aftermath of a month during which, Oren overlooks yet another highly significant consequence of the 1967 war and, Oren has almost nothing to say about the impact of the 1967 war on the Palestinians and the Palestinian national movement. . It was well that Israel gained control of Jerusalem and the wailing wall. Finally, there is the nonconventional weaponry now in the arsenals of virtually every Middle Eastern state, which has sharply elevated the stakes in any Arab-Israeli confrontation.Yet for every change curtailing the chances of war, another could equally contribute to its outbreak. There are other serious gaps in Oren’s account of the Egyptian side. Likewise, Abba Eban is described as Israel’s U.N. ambassador between 1947-49, despite the fact that Israel did not become a member of that body until May 1949. He thus overlooks the fact that in the aftermath of the, In sum, Michael Oren delivers less than what he promised in the preface to this volume. Many set backs for both sides. Books to Borrow. The second part of the book consists of six chapters, each containing exhaustive coverage of the military battles and political developments that occurred during the course of each of the six days of war. This is an exceptional work, one good enough to impress the brilliant Fuad Ajami, who is sorely missed as one of the most exceptional of Middle East experts. In the Arab world, it is known as the June War, or simply as "the Setback." At the same time, Washington publicly recognized Israel’s right to defend itself and convinced Israelis that they did not stand alone. Reviewed in the United Kingdom on July 15, 2015. In retrospect, it is very likely that the 1973 Yom Kippur war might have been avoided had Israel been willing to settle in the aftermath of June 1967 for something less than unconditional political surrender of its militarily beaten neighbors.

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